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Q:
Which of the following kinds of societies is most likely to have stratum endogamy (marriage within ones own group)?
A. band
B. state
C. chiefdom
D. society with segmentary lineage organization
E. tribe
Q:
Tribal societies, which are typically organized by village life or membership in descent groups, tend to be egalitarian. However, egalitarianism diminishes
A. as tribal leaders gain too much power and start to put it to use to buy favors.
B. as village size and population density increase.
C. as the village heads family grows.
D. the closer one is to the big mans wife.
E. as the overall population ages.
Q:
As an example of how virtually no one is immune from larger political and economic forces, the Yanomami tribal society of Brazil has suffered recent changes as a result of
A. being overrun by the more expansion-minded Nilotic peoples.
B. modern-minded big men amassing so much wealth that people have begun to regard them as chiefs.
C. village raiding among tribal groups.
D. the involvement of NGOs in their internal political affairs.
E. encroachment by gold miners and cattle ranchers.
Q:
As a stark reminder that no society truly is isolated, this chapters Appreciating Diversity segment describes how various levels of political regulationlocal, regional, national, and internationalnow determine how contemporary people such as the Venezuelan Yanomami live their lives. All of the following are examples of this, EXCEPT that
A. in 2005, Venezuelan president Hugo Chvez expelled foreign missionaries working among the Yanomami, accusing them of espionage.
B. both the Yanomami and government workers such as nurses and doctors depend on the military to provide transportation in and out of the rain forest.
C. Yanomami leaders argue that since the expulsion of the missionaries in 2005 they have been neglected by the Venezuelan government.
D. In 2005, the Venezuelan government created the Yanomami Health Plan, with an aim to train some Yanomami to be health workers in their villages while sending doctors into the jungle to provide health care to remote communities.
E. Yanomami leaders have been expelled by their own communities because of accusations of sorcery.
Q:
In the context of tribal societies, what is a big man?
A. someone who holds a permanent political office
B. a hereditary ruler
C. a person who creates his reputation through entrepreneurship and generosity to others
D. a leader who avoids excessive displays of generosity
E. a leader who has tremendous power because he is regarded as divine
Q:
How does a big man increase his status?
A. Big men are village heads who are trying to turn their achieved status into something more permanent; the standard way of doing this is through conspicuous symbolic displays of wealth.
B. The term big man refers to the liminal state a Kapauku youth enters before marriage; he accumulates wealth as a way of funding the wedding and paying the bride price.
C. Big men are typically war leaders and as such must have a standing supply of grievance gifts to compensate the families of warriors who die under their command.
D. The primary means of becoming a big man is the wearing of a tonowi shell necklace, which is imported from the coast and is therefore quite expensive by Kapauku standards.
E. Big men do not keep the wealth they accumulate; instead, they redistribute it to create and maintain alliances with political supporters.
Q:
A big mans position depends on all of the following EXCEPT
A. hard work.
B. inherited inequality.
C. generosity.
D. personal charisma.
E. creation of wealth superior to that of others.
Q:
What is an age set?
A. a village council
B. a pantribal sodality that represents a certain level of achievement in the society, much like the stages of an undergraduates progress through college
C. all men and women related by virtue of patrilineal descent from a human apical ancestor
D. all men and women related by virtue of matrilineal descent from a nonhuman apical ancestor
E. a group uniting all men or women born during a certain span of time
Q:
As illustrated by a comparison between the Basseri and Qashqai, two Iranian nomadic tribes, illustrates how as regulatory problems increase,
A. pastoralists are less likely to interact with other populations in the same space and time.
B. rules regarding crime and punishment become more severe.
C. political hierarchies become more complex.
D. age sets begin to disintegrate.
E. silence becomes the best strategy to avoid conflict.
Q:
Why is it important to remember that the chiefdom and the state, like many categories used by social scientists, are ideal types?
A. They distinguish political and sociopolitical analyses among social scientists.
B. They are useless in sociopolitical analysis.
C. They represent social goals that politicians should strive to achieve.
D. They are labels that make social contrasts seem sharper than they really are.
E. They ensure that the field of anthropology remains more scientific.
Q:
Noting that chiefdoms created the megalithic cultures of Europe, such as the one that built Stonehenge, Kottak reminds us that
A. chiefdoms that failed to become states did not have enough stone.
B. chiefdoms and states can fall as well as rise.
C. all chiefdoms end up becoming states.
D. all powerful chiefdoms required elaborate stonework to be recognized by competing groups.
E. chiefdoms have been among the rarest forms of social organization throughout human history.
Q:
In which of the following forms of political organization is it most likely that the most important leaders will acquire their positions based upon personal background or ability, rather than heredity?
A. tribal societies
B. feudal states
C. imagined communities
D. chiefdoms
E. agrarian, preindustrial states
Q:
The status systems of chiefdoms and states are similar in that both are based on differential access to resources. Nevertheless, a key distinction is that
A. status is much more important to leaders in chiefdoms than in states.
B. differential access in chiefdoms is still very much tied to kinship.
C. stratum endogamy exists in chiefdoms but not in state status systems.
D. in chiefdoms, women are always excluded from the competition for status, whereas in states this gender difference does not exist.
E. the status system of chiefdoms can sometimes function in a completely egalitarian manner when the populations are small enough.
Q:
Which of the following was NOT used by the traditional Inuit to handle disputes?
A. blood feuds
B. song contests
C. killing of the offender
D. courts of law
E. kin ties
Q:
The Inuit song battle is
A. sometimes the occasion for a treacherous feast.
B. a widespread feature of tribal society.
C. a ritualized means of designating hunting lands.
D. a means of resolving disputes so as to forestall open conflict.
E. used to initiate colonial strategies.
Q:
Which of the following statements about political leaders in foraging bands is true?
A. They maintain power by keeping up strong ties with the commoner class.
B. They have inherited special access to strategic resources.
C. They maintain control by conquering foreign territories.
D. They have no means of forcing people to follow their decisions.
E. They are the most dominant males in the largest, most powerful descent group.
Q:
This chapters description of the Makua of Mozambique illustrates the combination of newer and more traditional characteristics of the Makuas formal political system. Give three examples of how the formal and traditional systems mix. Would the duality of the Makua system have been revealed had the analysis of this community focused only on the formal aspects of social control?
Q:
What are the differences between shame and guilt? Why is it important for anthropologists interested in understanding sociopolitical organization to pay attention to peoples concerns with shame or guilt in the communities they study?
Q:
This chapters Focus on Globalization section discusses the role of new forms of media in political manipulation. Give some examples of how new media has been used by governments for political reasons, and how new media has been used by the public to encourage political dissent.
Q:
Kottak prefers the term sociopolitical organization to Morton Frieds term political organization in discussing the regulation or management of interrelations among groups and their representatives, because
A. the term sociopolitical is more politically correct.
B. anthropologists and political scientists have an interest in political systems and organization, but they cannot agree on the same terminology.
C. sociopolitical is the term that the founders of anthropology used to refer to the regulation or management of interrelations among groups and their representatives.
D. the term political refers only to contemporary Western states.
E. Frieds definition is much less applicable to nonstates, in which it is often difficult to detect any public policy.
Q:
Despite the analytical usefulness of learning about anthropologist Elman Services typology of political organization into bands, tribes, chiefdoms, and states, it is important to remember that
A. Bronislaw Malinowski first came up with this typology.
B. it applies to only the reality of societies in the so-called Third World.
C. none of these political entities, or polities, can be studied as a self-contained form of political organization, because all exist within nation-states.
D. it has no practical value in ethnographic research, only in theoretical anthropology.
E. people all over the world vocally reject being classified under such a typology and typically express their anger through hidden transcripts.
Q:
Foraging economies are usually associated with which type of sociopolitical organization?
A. band
B. tribal
C. state
D. chiefdom
E. primate
Q:
Anthropologist Susan Kent notes a tendency to stereotype foragers, to treat them all as alike. They used to be stereotyped as isolated, primitive survivors of the Stone Age. Another, more recent, common stereotype of foragers sees them as
A. peaceful individuals in touch with their inner selves.
B. culturally deprived people forced by states, colonialism, or world events into marginalized environments.
C. ideal humans with the perfect diet and rhythm of life.
D. not isolated at all but living in nation-states and an interlinked world.
E. primitive survivors not of the Stone Age but the Bronze Age.
Q:
Modern foragers are not Stone Age relics, living fossils, lost tribes, or noble savages. Still, to the extent that foraging has been the basis of their subsistence, contemporary and recent hunter-gatherers
A. are the closest we can come to studying true human nature.
B. illustrate links between a foraging economy and the emergence of social stratification.
C. suggest that the most basic motive driving human survival is the need for power.
D. can illustrate links between a foraging economy and other aspects of society and culture, such as their sociopolitical organization.
E. illustrate the social precursors to hegemony.
Q:
Modern hunter-gatherers should not be seen as representative of Stone Age peoples, all of whom were also foragers. Why?
Q:
Anthropologists claim that in nonstate societies the political structure is embedded in relationships based on kinship, descent, and marriage. What does this mean? Use two ethnographic cases to illustrate this claim.
Q:
Discuss ways in which order is maintained in societies that lack chiefs and rulers.
Q:
Contrast two of the following as political regulators: A) sodalities based on age and gender; B) village headmen; C) village councils; D) big men; and E) pantribal sodalities.
Q:
Contrast the Inuit and Yanomami with respect to their reasons for disputes, the effectiveness of their means of resolving disputes, and how they enforce decisions about resolving disputes.
Q:
What factors are responsible for the variable development of political regulation and authority structures among pastoralists?
Q:
How does one distinguish between a chiefdom and a state? Is this a useful distinction? Is it always easy to make such a distinction?
Q:
Social controls refers to the fields of the social systembeliefs, practices, and institutions that are most actively involved in the maintenance of norms and the regulation of conflict.
Q:
In the Igbo womens war, women used song, dance, noise, and in-your-face behavior to attempt to subvert formal authority, but women did not gain any greater influence.
Q:
How does Morton Fried define political organization? Why does Kottak prefer to use the term sociopolitical organization in discussing the regulation or management of interrelations among groups and their representatives?
Q:
What are the major results and implications of food production? How does reliance on food production affect the social, economic, and political organization of societies that practice it?
Q:
What is industrial alienation? What kinds of activities are most likely to be associated with alienation? What activities in our own society are most alienating? Which are least so?
Q:
In chiefdoms, chiefs occupy formal offices and administer or regulate a series of villages.
Q:
In chiefdoms, individuals are ranked according to seniority, but everyone is believed to have descended from a common set of ancestors.
Q:
Stratum endogamy is restricted to chiefdoms, wherein chiefs occupied a formal elite stratum in society.
Q:
Status in chiefdoms and states is based primarily upon differential access to resources.
Q:
With the rise of states, kinships role in society continued to grow and dominate daily activities.
Q:
States are complex systems of sociopolitical organization that aim to control and administer everything from conflict resolution to fiscal systems to population movements.
Q:
A fiscal system includes the judges, laws, and courts that resolve conflicts.
Q:
Population control in states refers to the police and military.
Q:
The elites of archaic states restricted access to sumptuary goods.
Q:
According to Pierre Bourdieu and Michel Foucault, it is easier and more effective to dominate people in their minds than to try to control their bodies.
Q:
The efficacy of social control depends on how clearly people envision the sanctions that an antisocial act might trigger.
Q:
How is a rent fund different from a subsistence fund? Cite examples to clarify your argument.
Q:
In nonindustrial societies, economic activities are embedded in the society.
Q:
The market principle dominates economic activities in band-level foraging societies.
Q:
With generalized reciprocity, the individuals participating in the exchange usually do not know the other person prior to the exchange.
Q:
With balanced reciprocity, the giver expects something in return equal to what was given.
Q:
Potlatching is a form of competitive feasting that enables individuals to redistribute surplus materials while simultaneously increasing their own prestige.
Q:
Anthropological analysis of potlatching contradicts the classic economics assumption that individuals are, by nature, profit maximizers.
Q:
List the first four of Cohens adaptive strategies and summarize the key features of each. What are the correlated variables for each strategy?
Q:
We should not view contemporary foragers as isolated or pristine survivors of the Stone Age. Why? What is the evidence to suggest this?
Q:
Imagine a foraging society that operates largely according to principles of generalized reciprocity, just prior to being colonized. Now defend the following statement: Capitalism is not just an economic system, it is also a cultural system.
Q:
What are the basic differences and similarities between horticultural and foraging populations? Indicate reasons for the contrasts.
Q:
Is the contrast between horticulture and agriculture one of degree, or are they entirely separate practices? What is the difference between these two types of cultivation? Cite ethnographic evidence in your answer.
Q:
Anthropologists often say that in nonindustrial societies, economic relationships are embedded in social relationships. What does this mean?
Q:
How does economic anthropology differ from classical economics? In what ways can economic anthropology serve as a safeguard against ethnocentrism?
Q:
Do people in all societies maximize material benefits? If not, what other things could be maximized to help explain their motives in everyday life? Do anthropologists believe that the profit maximization motive is a universal? What do you think? Explain your answer.
Q:
Band- and tribal-level societies actively promote craft and task specialization.
Q:
Foragers typically live in mobile bands that disperse in the dry season and aggregate in the rainy season.
Q:
Horticulture refers to low-intensity farming that often uses slash-and-burn techniques to clear land.
Q:
Domesticated animals, more specifically their manure and pulling capabilities, are key components of horticulture.
Q:
In order to intensify production, agriculturalists frequently build irrigation canals and terraces.
Q:
Although agriculture is much more productive per acre than horticulture, horticulture is more reliable and dependable in the long run.
Q:
Agriculturalists tend to live in permanent villages that are larger and closer to other settlements than the semipermanent settlements of horticulturalists.
Q:
The high level of intensification and long-term dependability of horticulture paved the way for the emergence of large urban settlements and the first states.
Q:
Pastoralists are specialized herders whose subsistence strategies are focused on domesticated animals.
Q:
In transhumant societies, the entire group moves with their animals throughout the year.
Q:
A mode of production is a way of organizing production, whereas the means of production include the factors of production like land, labor, and technology.
Q:
In most foraging societies, private ownership of bounded land was almost nonexistent.
Q:
Generalized reciprocity
A. is characterized by the immediate return of the object exchanged.
B. is the characteristic form of exchange in egalitarian societies.
C. usually develops after redistribution but before the market principle.
D. disappears with the origin of the state.
E. is exemplified by silent trade.
Q:
Which of the following kinds of exchange is characteristic among the members of a family?
A. generalized reciprocity
B. balanced reciprocity
C. negative reciprocity
D. redistribution
E. none of these exchanges
Q:
Which of the following statements about potlatching is NOT true?
A. Potlatching is an example of competitive feasting.
B. Potlatching was misinterpreted as a classical case of economically wasteful behavior.
C. Potlatching is a form of exchange that has long-term adaptive value.
D. Potlatching is a case that proves that the profit-maximizing motive is a human universal.
E. Potlatching is well documented among Native American communities of the North Pacific Coast of North America.
Q:
This chapters Focus on Globalization section discusses economic globalization. Which of the following is an outcome of our 21st-century global economy?
A. Modern-day transnational finance has shifted economic control of local life to outsiders.
B. Economic functions are now locally controlled.
C. Foreigners now finance only a small percentage of the U.S. national debt.
D. American companies are withdrawing from foreign markets.
E. With increasing globalization there is increased face-to-face contact in economic transactions.
Q:
Most contemporary foragers live in remote areas, completely cut off from contact with other modern, agricultural, and industrial communities.
Q:
Economic relationships are characteristically embedded in other relationships, such as kinship, in all of the following kinds of societies EXCEPT
A. states.
B. foragers.
C. horticulturalists.
D. pastoralists.
E. chiefdoms.