Q&A Hero

Q: What factors might explain the correlation between women's work outside the home and a national index of happiness? What is it about women working outside of the home that might make a country's population happier? Brainstorm possible causes for this correlation.

Q: Understanding kinship systems is an important part of anthropology because A. it provides an objective, universal perspective on how people are related to one another. B. kinship ties are important to the people anthropologists study; they are a key component of people's everyday social relations. C. their study is part of the anthropological tradition established by the field's pioneers. D. kinship ties are what triggered the split between the hominin line and the rest of the primates and is thus the defining aspect of our humanity. E. it is the only aspect of anthropological study that the general public cares about.

Q: Which term refers to the family in which a child is raised? A. family of procreation B. family of orientation C. family of nucleation D. genealogical family E. family of kin

Q: Traditionally, in some areas of the former Yugoslavia, several nuclear families were embedded in an extended family household called a zadruga. Among the Nayar in southern India, it was typical for people to live in matrilineal extended family compounds called tarawads. Descriptions of these two culturally specific cases highlight how A. children who grow up in stable kin groups are better off than those who don't. B. the nuclear family is the only stable kin group arrangement. C. nuclear families are extremely rare in terms of living arrangements. D. extended family households are an adaptive strategy to extreme poverty. E. there are many alternatives to the nuclear family.

Q: What is the name of the postmarital residence pattern in which the married couple is expected to establish their own home? A. neolocality B. patrilocality C. matrilocality D. ambilocality E. uxorilocality

Q: What is the most common system of kinship classification used in the United States? A. bifurcate merging B. lineal C. bifurcate collateral D. generational E. patrilineal

Q: In North America, the relatively high incidence of expanded family households in the lower class is A. the reason why the families of lower-class urbanites are dysfunctional. B. an important strategy the urban poor use to adapt to poverty. C. maladaptive, since poor families should be smaller in order to cut down on expenses. D. caused by bifurcate merging, a practice brought to the United States by Irish immigrants during the early part of the 20th century. E. the result of enduring cultural ties to Europe.

Q: Although the nuclear family remains a cultural ideal for many Americans, nuclear families accounted for just 20 percent of American households in 2012. In fact, other domestic arrangements outnumber the traditional U.S. household five to one. All of the following are among the reasons for this trend EXCEPT that A. women are increasingly joining men in the workforce. B. job demands compete with romantic attachments. C. divorce rates have risen. D. it is increasingly economically feasible for women to delay marriage and yet live away from their family of orientation. E. contrary to expectations, the importance of kinship is growing in contemporary nations.

Q: In Arembepe, Brazil, a degree of community solidarity was promoted by the myth that everyone was kin. However, social solidarity was actually much less developed in Arembepe than in societies with clans and lineages. Why? A. Intense social solidarity requires not a myth but a biologically grounded genealogy that shows people's actual relatedness. B. Arembepeiros who became successful were bound by social obligation to share their wealth. This powerful leveling mechanism worked against social solidarity. C. In societies with clans and lineages, social solidarity is much more developed, because they have more elaborate kinship rituals than Arembepeiros do. D. Intense social solidarity is possible only in societies having homogeneous ancestry. In Arembepe, high ethnic diversity weakens kinship ties. E. Intense social solidarity demands that some people be excluded. By asserting they were all relatedthat is, by excluding no oneArembepeiros were actually weakening kinship's potential strength in creating and maintaining group solidarity.

Q: Contemporary North American adults usually define their families as consisting of their husbands or wives and their children. In contrast, when middle-class Brazilians talk about their families, they mean their parents, siblings, aunts, uncles, grandparents, and on, down to their children. They rarely mention the spouse. Which of the following is among the reasons for this stark cultural contrast? A. Brazilians readily incorporate strangers into their social worlds. B. North Americans value independence over their family. C. North Americans have more choices about where they can live, and they have chosen to live away from their relatives. D. Brazilians live in a less mobile society and so stay in closer contact with their relatives, including members of their extended family, than do North Americans. E. Brazilians have purely economic relationships with their spouses.

Q: What are the two basic social units of foraging societies? A. the band and the clan B. the lineage and the nuclear family C. the extended family and the clan D. the nuclear family and the band E. the band and the extended family

Q: A unilineal descent group whose members demonstrate their common descent from an apical ancestor is a(n) A. clan. B. lineage. C. extended family. D. family of procreation. E. family of orientation.

Q: In the United States, attitudes regarding the role of women in the workplace have varied according to economic needs.

Q: The reason there are more modern-day "Rosie the Riveters" is that modern industry is even more physically demanding than it was during World War II.

Q: With the baby boom and the increase in industrialization, women have contributed more and more to the workplace while receiving pay equal to that of their male coworkers.

Q: Even though women represent more than half the U.S. workforce, single-parent families headed by women represent more than half the households below the poverty line.

Q: "Transgender" and "XX Intersex" are interchangeable terms referring to individuals with external genitals that are incompletely formed, ambiguous, or female.

Q: Flexibility in sexual expression seems to be an aspect of our primate heritage.

Q: What position do most anthropologists take on the matter of whether male dominance is a cultural universal? What is your own view on the matter? What evidence can you put forth to support your view?

Q: How are sexuality, sex, and gender related to each other? What are the differences among these three analytical concepts?

Q: Contrast gender roles in two of the following: A) foraging societies; B) matrilineal-matrilocal societies; C) patrilineal-patrilocal societies; D) pastoralists; and E) agriculturalists.

Q: What is the private-public dichotomy? In what kinds of societies does it occur, and in what kinds of societies is it absent? What factors contribute to its presence or absence, and what are its effects on gender roles?

Q: What is the relationship between gender stratification and economic roles? Do these relationships apply equally to all types of societies, regardless of the type of productive activity? Why or why not?

Q: Are certain sexual preferences more natural than others? What factors compel some societies to deviate from the heterosexual norm found in most human societies?

Q: Gender stratification tends to be extremely pronounced in patrilineal-patrilocal societies.

Q: Across differing societies, women generally dominate the practice of subsistence labor.

Q: In foraging societies, gender stratification was most marked when men contributed much more to the diet than women did.

Q: Domestic violence against women is prevalent in patrilineal-patrilocal systems in which women are cut off from their supportive kin ties.

Q: Transgender is a social category that A. includes people whose gender identity has no apparent biological roots. B. always contrasts biologically with "ordinary" males and females. C. consists of only intersex people. D. is entirely biologically constructed. E. has no validity within the social sciences.

Q: Intersex, a group of conditions involving discrepancy between external genitals and internal genitals, can have a variety of chromosomal causes that create a sex-gender difference. Which of the following chromosomal anomalies identifies a person with the chromosomes of a woman and female internal anatomy, but with male external genitals? A. XY Intersex person B. True Gonadal Intersex person C. Klinefelter's syndrome (XXY configuration) D. XX Intersex person E. Turner syndrome

Q: The specific roles assigned to each gender vary from culture to culture.

Q: Gender roles are the instinctual behaviors that are the exclusive domain of each sex.

Q: Cross-culturally, women's roles tend to be focused on activities associated with the home, while men are more active in the public domain.

Q: Cross-culturally, the subsistence contributions of men and women are roughly equal.

Q: Adding together men's and women's subsistence activities and their domestic work, men tend to work more hours than women do.

Q: The relative gender equality found in horticultural societies most likely characterizes the most natural state of gender differentiation.

Q: Women in matrilineal societies tend to occupy elevated status positions.

Q: Recent cross-cultural studies of gender roles demonstrate that A. the gender roles of men and women are largely determined by their biological capabilitiesrelative strength, endurance, intelligence, and so on. B. women are subservient in nearly all societies, because their subsistence activities contribute much less to the total diet than do those of men. C. foraging, horticultural, pastoral, and industrial societies all have similar attitudes toward sex but different attitudes toward gender. D. changes in the gender roles of men and women are usually associated with social decay and anarchy. E. the relative status of women is variable, depending on such factors as the type of subsistence strategy employed, the importance of warfare, and the prevalence of a domestic-public dichotomy.

Q: According to studies in the 1960s, why did young Etoro men and boys engage in homosexual relationships? A. They did not understand biological reproduction, which is why they no longer exist. B. The status of Etoro women was the highest in the world, in a status above and beyond males. C. Genetic drift created a population dominated by a homosexual gene. D. They believed it necessary for boys to ingest semen in order to mature in a healthy way. E. A warrior cult of older adult men vigorously enforced a monopoly on access to women.

Q: Regarding sexual orientation, all of the following are true EXCEPT that A. different types of sexual desires and experiences hold different meanings for individuals and groups. B. there is conclusive scientific evidence that sexual orientation is genetically determined. C. in a society, individuals will differ in the nature, range, and intensity of sexual interests and urges. D. culture always plays a role in molding individual sexual urges toward a collective norm, and these norms vary from culture to culture. E. flexibility in sexual expression seems to be an aspect of our primate heritage, since both masturbation and same-sex sexual activity exist among chimpanzees and other primates.

Q: Transvestism, when members of one gender (usually male) dress as another (female), is A. very common in Brazil, given the country's general acceptance of alternative gender roles. B. an example of the biological basis of sexual expression. C. evidence of the cultural limits in determining gender roles. D. perhaps the most common way of forming genders alternative to male and female. E. increasingly popular among gay men in Brazil.

Q: Based on research in the 1960s, which of the following statements about Etoro conceptions of heterosexual intercourse is NOT true? A. It was thought to sap a man's vitality. B. Women who wanted too much heterosexual intercourse were viewed as witches. C. Such sex was permitted only a hundred days a year. D. It was permitted to take place only in the couple's residence. E. It was seen as a necessary sacrifice that would eventually lead to a man's death.

Q: What is meant by the term feminization of poverty? A. the view that conditions of poverty are emasculating B. the increasing number of women among the poorest people C. the popularity of feminist ideals among poor people D. the recent campaign by feminists to work with the poor E. the view that only women care about issues of poverty

Q: This chapter's "Focus on Globalization" section discusses the strides different countries have made to close the gender gap. Which region has done the least to correct gender-based inequality? A. North America B. Africa C. Latin America D. Middle East/North Africa E. Nordic countries

Q: Why should the numbers from Kinsey's research be considered merely illustrative, rather than statistically accurate? A. sample sizes that were too small B. flaws in the statistical models used C. a reliance on nonrandom samples D. failure to account for variance in the target population E. incorrect assignment of causation

Q: Of the following factors, which is historically correlated with the shrinking of the female factory workforce in the United States? A. European immigration around 1900 B. World War II C. voting rights for women D. inflation E. the women's rights movement

Q: More than half of all U.S. families living in poverty are A. patrifocal. B. blended. C. headed by men. D. headed by women. E. dichotomized.

Q: Which of the following statements is NOT true? A. The feminization of poverty is unique to the United States. B. Households headed by women tend to be poorer than those headed by men. C. Married couples are much more secure economically than single mothers. D. Women now head more than half the households in the United States. E. The feminization of poverty has serious consequences with regard to living standards and health.

Q: In which type of society would you expect women's status to be highest? A. pastoralists B. agriculturalists C. societies where there is a great deal of population pressure D. hunters and gatherers E. industrial states with high unemployment

Q: According to anthropologist Ann Stoler, the economic determinants of gender status include A. the level of interest rates and the price of oil. B. controlling one's own and others' tendency toward overconsumption. C. free will and overcoming ideas that associate sin with the desires of the flesh. D. free will and overcoming ideas that split the mind and body. E. freedom or autonomy in terms of disposing of one's labor and its fruits, and social power: control over the lives, labor, and produce of others.

Q: Ethnographic evidence has revealed that traditionally, Pawnee women worked wood, and among the Hidatsa, women made boats. Cases such as these suggest that A. the division of labor by gender is a natural characteristic of human societies. B. biology has nothing to do with gender roles. C. anthropologists are overly optimistic about finding a society with perfect gender equality. D. patterns of division of labor by gender are culturally generalnot universal. E. exceptions to cross-cultural generalization are actually the rule.

Q: This chapter's discussion on recurrent gender patterns stresses that A. it is the role of industrialized nations to correct patterns that are immoral. B. the United Nations should become more involved in reversing these patterns. C. exceptions to cross-cultural generalizations may involve societies or individuals. D. these patterns are universals rather than generalities. E. these generalities are based on bad data, because the studies did not use randomized sampling.

Q: The domestic-public dichotomy refers to the separation of A. spheres of exchange. B. secular and sacred domains. C. the elite and commoners. D. home and the outside world. E. cooking and sleeping spaces in residential units.

Q: Among the Agta of the Philippines, women not only gather, they also A. fish, while carrying their babies with them. B. are the primary warrior class, unless pregnant or breastfeeding. C. cultivate small food plots inside village defenses. D. hunt, while carrying their babies with them. E. are the tribal leaders.

Q: When compared to other kinds of societies, all the following are true about foragers EXCEPT that A. the public and private spheres are least separate. B. hierarchy is least marked. C. when gathering is prominent, gender status tends to be more equal. D. sexual promiscuity is most common and routinely punished. E. the rights, activities, and spheres of influence of men and women overlap the most.

Q: Among horticulturalists with matrilineal descent and matrilocality, A. women tend to have high status, but only within the domestic sphere. B. gender and sex become indistinguishable. C. female status tends to be high. D. women rarely inherit any property and are therefore at a disadvantage in comparison to their brothers. E. women leaders are only symbolic, because men tend to have true decision-making power.

Q: Which of the following is NOT among the four sexual orientations found throughout the world? A. transsexuality. B. homosexuality. C. bisexuality. D. heterosexuality. E. asexuality.

Q: If a patriarchy is a political system ruled by men, what would a matriarchy bea political system ruled by women? Anthropologist Peggy Sanday, who investigated these questions among the Minangkabau of West Sumatra, found that A. true matriarchies do not exist. B. women in matriarchies see their male counterparts as being inferior. C. women of newer generations are experimenting with new ideas of gender roles. D. although matriarchies do exist, they are not mirror images of patriarchies because, at least for the Minangkabau, both men and women are seen as cooperative partners for the common good. E. although Minangkabau women play a central role in their culture's social, economic, and ceremonial life, they are still regarded as having lower status than men.

Q: Which of the following statements about groups with the patrilineal-patrilocal complex is NOT true? A. They are sometimes characterized by a view that females are dangerous and polluting. B. Their land and prestige are passed through the females. C. They have strongly developed private-public dichotomies. D. They have their prestige goods under male control. E. They often practice polygyny and have patterns of intervillage raiding.

Q: Among societies exhibiting the patrilineal-patrilocal complex in highland Papua New Guinea, A. women remain the primary producers of subsistence crops. B. women govern the extra-domestic distribution of prestige items. C. women fear contacts, including sexual intercourse, with men. D. polygyny decreases household productivity, because a man must provide for more than one wife. E. the population pressure on strategic resources is relaxed.

Q: With the term sex, anthropologists are referring to biological differences. In contrast, they define gender as A. the cultural construction of whether one is female, male, or something else. B. a political system ruled by men that defines the identity of women. C. the tasks and activities that a culture assigns to each sex. D. the marked differences in male and female biology, which vary across cultures. E. one's biological identity.

Q: The tasks and activities that a culture assigns to each sex are known as A. gender stereotypes. B. the prestige coefficient. C. sexual ascribed status. D. gender roles. E. sex roles.

Q: In an ethnographic field study of political systems in northern Mozambique, Nicholas Kottak found that avoiding shame can be an effective control against breaking social norms. This example of how shame can be a powerful social sanction A. is unique among ethnographic cases illustrating the variety of sociopolitical systems that exist in the world today. B. is often a key component of the formal processes of social control. C. is evidence that shame is a cultural universal. D. is an indication that women tend to suffer from the consequences of shame more than men do. E. joins the work of many other anthropologists that cite the importance of informal processes of social control, including gossip and stigma.

Q: The anthropological approach to the study of political systems and organization is global and comparative and includes nonstates as well as the states and nation-states usually studied by political scientists.

Q: The sociopolitical organization of foragers tends to be bands.

Q: In bands, the leader occupies an official office with coercive control over the members of the community.

Q: Since bands lack formalized law, they have no way of settling disputes.

Q: In tribal societies, the village head leads by example and through persuasion; he lacks the ability to force people to do things.

Q: Most band and tribal societies in the world today are completely cut off from the rest of the world.

Q: The key difference between a village head and a big man is that the big man has supporters in many villages, whereas the supporters of the village head are restricted to his respective village.

Q: Pantribal sodalities function to integrate the community by providing a series of important nonkin relationships.

Q: Age grades represent stages in one's life with specific tasks, obligations, and duties for the individuals in a given grade.

Q: The Qashqai and Basseri peoples are examples of nomadic foragers who live in modern-day Iran.

Q: In the anthropological study of political systems, social control maintains social norms (cultural standards) and regulates conflict. Which of the following is NOT a form of social control? A. hegemony B. shame C. making subordinates believe they will eventually gain power D. exogamy E. gossip

Q: According to Pierre Bourdieu and Michel Foucault, A. it is easier and more effective to dominate people in their minds than to try to control their bodies. B. if state institutions such as prisons and schools are able to control people's bodies, their minds will follow. C. anthropologists have no business studying the process of how the dominant ideology becomes internalized, since this is the job of psychologists and political scientists. D. overt violence is critical in order for a state to succeed in dominating its population. E. anatomically modern humans have a long way to go in the process of evolution, since they are so easily tricked into believing that forms of state control are both natural and good.

Q: In the pre-Civil War southern United States, gatherings of five or more slaves were forbidden unless a White person was present, because A. resistance was most likely to be expressed openly when Black slaves were provoked by the presence of White persons. B. resistance is most likely to be expressed openly when people are allowed to assemble. C. White persons were curious about the use of the story of Moses that was popular among slaves at the time. D. some Whites were eager to join the Black slaves in their plans, some successful, in establishing free communities in isolated areas. E. these Whites were actually covert anthropologists eager to study social relations during these politically difficult times.

Q: The status systems of chiefdoms and states are similar, in that both are based on differential access to resources. Nevertheless, a key distinction is that A. status is much more important to leaders in chiefdoms than in states. B. differential access in chiefdoms is still very much tied to kinship. C. stratum endogamy exists in chiefdoms but not in state status systems. D. in chiefdoms, women are always excluded from the competition for status, whereas in states, this gender difference does not exist. E. the status system of chiefdoms can sometimes function in a completely egalitarian manner when the populations are small enough.

Q: Which of the following kinds of societies is most likely to have stratum endogamy (marriage within one's own group)? A. band B. state C. chiefdom D. society with segmentary lineage organization E. tribe

Q: How do chiefdoms differ from states? A. Chiefdoms are based on differential access. B. Chiefdoms lack socioeconomic stratification and stratum endogamy. C. Chiefdoms lack ascribed statuses. D. Chiefdoms have permanent political regulation. E. Chiefdoms have full-time religious specialists.

Q: The presence and acceptance of which of the following is one of the key distinguishing features of a state? A. gender differences in terms of access to resources B. generosity, even at the fiscal level C. rapport between the elites and commoners D. stratification E. the authority of charismatic leaders